Socialism and Modern Science (Darwin, Spencer, Marx) — Themes and Context
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nd in which he avowed that "since the age of forty years, his scientific studies had led him to atheism."
(See also, "Charles Darwin and Karl Marx: A Comparison," by Ed. Aveling. Published by the Twentieth Century Press, London.--Translator.)
In the same way, John Stuart Mill never declared himself a Socialist, but that, nevertheless, in opinion he was one, is made evident by his autobiography and his posthumous fragments on Socialism. (See "The Socialism of John Stuart Mill." Humboldt Pub. Co., New York.--Tr.)
[27] ARDIGÒ, _La Formazione naturale_, Vol. II. of his _Opere filologiche_, and Vol. VI., _La Ragione_, Padone, 1894.
[28] Guyau, _L'Irréligion de l'avenir_. Paris. 1887.
[29] The dominant factor, nevertheless, in religious beliefs, is the hereditary or traditional _sentimental_ factor; this it is which always renders them respectable when they are professed in good faith, and often makes them even appeal to our sympathies,--and this is precisely because of the ingenuous or refined sensibility of the persons in whom religious faith is the most vital and sincere.
[30] NITTI, _Le Socialisme catholique_, Paris, 1894, p. 27 and 393.
[31] Its usual form in America.--Translator.
[32] _Nuova Rassegna_, August, 1894.
[33] SERGI, _L'origine dei fenomeni psichici e loro significazione biologica_, Milan, 1885, p. 334, _et seq._
[34] DURKHEIM, _De la division du travail social_. Paris. 1893. As regards the pretended influence of religion on personal morality I have shown how very slight a foundation there was for this opinion in my studies on criminal psychology, and more particularly in _Omicidio nell' antropologia criminale_.
THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE SPECIES.
It can also be shown that scientific socialism proceeds directly from Darwinism by an examination of the different modes of conceiving of the individual in relation to the species.
The eighteenth century closed with the exclusive glorification of the individual, of the _man_--as an entity in himself. In the works of Rousseau this was only a beneficent, though exaggerated re-action against the political and sacerdotal tyranny of the Middle Ages.
This individualism led directly to that artificiality in politics, which I will consider a little further on in studying the relations between the theory of evolution and socialism, and which is common to the ruling classes under the bourgeois regime and to the individualistic anarchists,--since both alike imagine that the social organization can be changed in a day by the magical effect of a bomb,--more or less murderous.
Modern biology has radically changed this conception of the _individual_ and it has demonstrated, in the domain of biology as in that of sociology, that the individual is himself only an aggregation of more simple living elements, and likewise that the individual in himself, the _Selbstwesen_ of the Germans, does not exist in independent isolation, but only as a member of a society (_Gliedwesen_).
Every living object is an association, a collectivity.
The monad itself, the living cell, the irreducible expression of biological individuality, is also an aggregate of various parts (nucleus, _nucléole_, protoplasm), and each one of them in its turn is an aggregate of molecules which are aggregates of atoms.
The atom does not exist alone, as an individual; the atom is invisible and impalpable and it does not live.
And the complexity of the aggregation, the federation of the parts constantly increases with the ascent in the zoological series from protozoa to Man.
Unifying, Jacobin artificiality corresponds to the metaphysics of individualism, just as the conception of national and international federalism corresponds to the scientific character of modern socialism.
The organism of a mammal is simply a federation of tissues, organs and anatomical machinery; the organism of a society can consist of nothing but a federation of communes, provinces and regions; the organism of humanity can be nothing but a federation of nations.
If it is absurd to conceive of a mammal whose head should have to move in the same fashion as the extremities and all of whose extremities would have to perform the same motions simultaneously, there is no less absurdity in a political and administrative organization in which the extreme northern province or the mountainous province, for instance, have to have the same bureaucratic machinery, the same body of laws, the same methods, etc., as the extreme southern province or the province made up of plains, solely through the passion for symmetrical uniformity, that pathological expression of unity.
If we disregard those considerations of a political order which make it possible to conclude, as I have done elsewhere,[35] that the only possible organization for Italy, as for every other country, appeared to me to be that of an administrative federalism combined with political unity, we can regard it as manifest, that at the close of the nineteenth century the individual, as an independent entity, is dethroned alike in biology and sociology.
Enrico Ferri opens Socialism and Modern Science by directly confronting the charge that Darwinism and socialism are incompatible. He identifies three alleged contradictions—equality of individuals, struggle for life, and survival of the fittest—and systematically reframes each as consistent with socialist thought. Ferri’s method is to treat Darwin, Spencer, and Marx not as rivals but as contributors to a unified scientific worldview. The preface sets a defensive yet ambitious tone: Ferri aims to show that “modern experiential science is in complete harmony” with socialism, countering what he calls “orthodox science, academic and official” that serves ruling minorities. His argumentative strategy relies on rapid, concise observations rather than exhaustive proof, and he frequently invokes biological and social evolution to support his case.
Darwinism as a Weapon, Not an Obstacle
Ferri’s first chapter tackles the three supposed contradictions between Darwinism and socialism head-on. He notes that opponents like Virchow have used Darwin to argue against equality, but Ferri counters that Darwin’s emphasis on variation within species actually undermines fixed hierarchies. The struggle for life, he claims, is not a justification for laissez-faire capitalism but a description of conditions that socialism aims to transcend. Ferri writes that “no intelligent socialist has ever dreamt of not recognizing all that the bourgeoisie has done for human civilization,” yet he insists that the class struggle is a more advanced form of the struggle for life. He draws a sharp distinction between individual competition and collective conflict, arguing that socialism redirects natural selection from individuals to social systems. The survival of the fittest, in Ferri’s reading, applies to societies, not just individuals, and socialism represents a higher stage of social fitness.
Spencer’s Law Turned Against Individualism
In the second section, Ferri engages directly with Herbert Spencer’s evolutionary sociology. He seizes on Spencer’s own formulation that “every progress effected is an obstacle to further progress” to argue that individualist liberty has become a fetish—a sterile idol that blocks further social evolution. Ferri compares the liberal’s worship of liberty to a savage adoring a fruit tree for itself rather than its fruit, or a miser hoarding money as an end rather than a means. This psychological tendency, he suggests, explains resistance to socialism: people treat achieved progress as final. Ferri proposes that socialism is not a rejection of evolution but its logical continuation, replacing individual ownership with collective ownership to enable new advances. He also addresses the objection that socialism suppresses liberty, countering that true liberty requires economic equality, and that political freedom without economic reform is hollow.
Marx as the Scientific Synthesizer
Ferri’s third chapter positions Marx as completing the work of Darwin and Spencer. He argues that sociology has been sterile because it lacked a materialist foundation, which Marx provides through class struggle and historical materialism. Ferri insists that socialism is not a sentimental utopia but a scientific necessity derived from evolutionary principles. He contrasts conservatives who use science to defend the status quo with socialists who apply science to transform society. The appendixes include a reply to Spencer and a critique of “individualist myopia.” Throughout, Ferri maintains that socialism is not about destroying bourgeois achievements—comparing it to atheists admiring Raphael’s paintings—but about overcoming the “infectious poison” of private ownership. His tone is combative yet scholarly, aiming to reclaim scientific authority from anti-socialist thinkers.
Ferri’s argument is best read as a polemic that uses evolutionary theory to legitimate socialism, not as a neutral survey. Readers should note how he selectively appropriates Darwin and Spencer while rejecting individualist interpretations. The book’s structure—three alleged contradictions, then evolution, then sociology—mirrors his claim that socialism is the synthesis of modern science. Pay attention to his rhetorical moves: he often concedes points to opponents before reinterpreting them, and he uses biological metaphors (infection, poison, organism) to frame capitalism as a disease. The appendixes, though brief, reveal Ferri’s engagement with contemporary critics.
Reading Ferri’s insistence that evolution needn’t mean brutal competition, I recalled an afternoon in my grandfather’s study, where he argued that survival could be cooperative. The same quiet relief surfaced later in The Book of Tea — Inside the Classic, which frames imperfection as harmony rather than flaw. Both books soften the harsh edges of scientific certainty, offering a gentler lens without losing rigor.
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