Browning and His Century — A Closer Reading
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Browning and His Century — A Closer Reading can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 83,455 words, 6 hr 3 min estimated reading time, and 9 detected text sections.
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Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Browning, Robert, 1812-1889,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
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Browning did not need to depend upon Paracelsus for his knowledge of evolution. He may not have known that the ancient Hindu in the dim mists of the past had an intuition of the cosmic egg from which all life had evolved, and that he did not know of the theory as it is developed in the great German philosophers we are certain, because he, himself, asseverated that he had never read the German philosophers, but it is hardly possible that he did not know something of it as it appears in the writings of the Greek philosophers, for Greek literature was among the earliest of his studies. He might, for instance, have taken a hint from the speculations of that half mythical marvel of a man, Empedocles, with which the Paracelsus theory of the universe, as it appears in the passage under discussion, has many points of contact.
According to Empedocles, the four primal elements, earth, air, fire and water, are worked upon by the forces of love and discord. By means of these forces, out of the primal elements are evolved various and horrible monstrosities before the final form of perfection is reached. It is true he did not correctly imagine the stages in the processes of evolution, for instead of a gradual development of one form from another, he describes the process as a haphazard and chaotic one. "Many heads sprouted up without necks, and naked arms went wandering forlorn of shoulders, and solitary eyes were straying destitute of foreheads." These detached portions of bodies coming together by haphazard produced the earlier monstrous forms. "Many came forth with double faces and two breasts, some shaped like oxen with a human front, others, again, of human race with a bull's head." However, the latter part of the evolutionary process as described by Empedocles, when Love takes command, seems especially pertinent as a possible source of Browning's thought:
"When strife has reached the very bottom of the seething mass, and love assumes her station in the center of the ball, then everything begins to come together, and to form one whole--not instantaneously, but different substances come forth, according to a steady process of development. Now, when these elements are mingling, countless kinds of things issue from their union. Much, however, remains unmixed, in opposition to the mingling elements, and these, malignant strife still holds within his grasp. For he has not yet withdrawn himself altogether to the extremities of the globe; but part of his limbs still remain within its bounds, and part have passed beyond. As strife, however, step by step retreats, mild and innocent love pursues him with her force divine; things which had been immortal instantly assume mortality; the simple elements become confused by interchange of influences. When these are mingled, then the countless kinds of mortal beings issue forth, furnished with every sort of form--a sight of wonder."
Though evolution was no new idea, it had been only a hypothesis arrived at intuitionally or suggested by crude observations of nature until by perfected methods of historical study and of scientific experimentation proof was furnished of its truth as a scientific verity.
Let us glance at the situation at the time when Paracelsus was published. In 1835 science had made great strides in the direction of proving the correctness of the hypothesis. Laplace had lived and died and had given to the world in mathematical reasoning of remarkable power proof of the nebular hypothesis, which was later to be verified by Fraunhofer's discoveries in spectrum analysis. Lamarck had lived and died and had given to the world his theory of animal evolution. Lyall in England had shown that geological formations were evolutionary rather than cataclysmal. In fact, greater and lesser scientific lights in England and on the continent were every day adding fresh facts to the burden of proof in favor of the hypothesis. It was in the air, and denunciations of it were in the air.
Most interesting of all, however, in connection with our present theme is the fact that Herbert Spencer was still a lad of fifteen, who was independently of Darwin to work out a complete philosophy of evolution, which was to be applied in every department of cosmic, geologic, plant, animal and human activity, but (and this is of special interest) he was not to give to the world his plan for a synthetic philosophy until 1860, and not to publish his "First Principles" until 1862, nor the first instalment of the "Data of Ethics," the fruit of his whole system, until 1879.
Clarke opens with a prologue poem addressed to Browning, then immediately situates the poet within the nineteenth century's "battle of mind and spirit." She argues that the century's advance guard abandoned inherited traditions, testing every fact and myth "in the laboratory of the intellect." This framing sets up Browning as a figure whose work engages with the era's central conflict between scientific knowledge and spiritual faith.
The Prologue's Argument
The book begins with a sonnet titled "Prologue to Robert Browning," which Clarke uses to encapsulate the poet's epistemological stance. The poem's opening lines—"Say not we know but rather that we love, / And so we know enough"—distinguish between mere intellectual knowing and a deeper, soul-based understanding. Clarke glosses this as a rejection of "the mere mind's knowing" in favor of a truth felt through the heart. This prologue serves as a key to the chapters that follow, where Browning's poetry is read as a sustained meditation on the limits of rational knowledge.
Browning and Carlyle: Two Responses to Evil
Clarke devotes a significant passage to contrasting Browning with Thomas Carlyle. She quotes from Browning's "Bernard de Mandeville," where a Carlyle-like opponent questions why God allows evil to "o'ertop, o'ertower" good. Browning, she argues, refuses to justify evil's existence, instead focusing on the individual's power to work out salvation through struggle. Carlyle, by contrast, "raged and stormed" against social evils but saw no way to turn evil into good. Clarke positions Browning as a "middle-class individualist" and Carlyle as a precursor to socialism—a distinction that structures her analysis of the century's political and social movements.
The Century's End: From Liberalism to Cooperation
In the chapter "The Century's End: Promise of Peace," Clarke traces the evolution of liberal thought. She notes that liberalism freed individuals to become property holders but ignored the competitive conditions that prevented true freedom. The working classes then sought freedom through cooperation rather than competition. Clarke cites Carlyle, Ruskin, Matthew Arnold, and especially William Morris as literary figures who contributed to this shift. Morris appears as "the most interesting figure of the century" because he not only talked but acted, embodying the move from intellectual sympathy to active engagement.
Structure and Movement Across Chapters
The book's nine chapters move from philosophical and religious questions ("The Battle of Mind and Spirit") through political and social analysis ("Political Tendencies," "Social Ideals") to artistic and literary criticism ("Art Shibboleths," "Classic Survivals"). The final chapter, "Prophetic Visions," suggests a forward-looking conclusion. Clarke frequently returns to Browning's poetry as a touchstone, but she also devotes substantial space to other writers—Carlyle, Morris, Swinburne, Rossetti—creating a network of comparisons. The illustrations, including portraits of Browning at ages 23 and 77, reinforce the biographical thread.
Readers interested in Browning's intellectual context will find Clarke's study most useful when read alongside the poems she discusses, particularly "Bernard de Mandeville" and the prologue. Her comparative approach—setting Browning against Carlyle, Morris, and others—illuminates the poet's individualist stance within a broader cultural debate about evil, progress, and social reform.
Browning’s insistence on the soul’s stubborn light—against Carlyle’s weary thunder—feels oddly like a séance’s promise: that something persists beyond the visible argument. I keep returning to that old pamphlet, Psychomancy: Spirit-Rappings and Table-Tippings Exposed — Edition Insights, the way one revisits a childhood doubt. The century’s need to hear the dead speaks in both, I suppose. Just quieter here.
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