Spiritual Reformers in the 16th & 17th Centuries — Edition Insights
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The catalog record for Spiritual Reformers in the 16th & 17th Centuries — Edition Insights provides practical reading context through 147,076 words, 10 hr 40 min estimated reading time, and 13 detected text sections.
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Spirit was conceived, however, not as immanent and resident, not as the {xiv} indwelling and permeative Life of the human spirit, but as foreign and remote, and He was thought of as "coming" in sporadic visitations to whom He would, His coming being indicated in extraordinary and charismatic manifestations.
This type of "spiritual religion," though eventually stamped out in the particular form of Montanism, reappeared again and again, with peculiar local and temporal variations, in the history of Christianity.[6] To the bearers of it, the historic Church, with its crystallized system and its vast machinery, always seemed "unspiritual" and traditional. They believed, each time the movement appeared, that _they_ had found the way to more abundant life, that the Spirit had come upon them in a special manner, and was through them inaugurating a higher order of Christianity, and they always felt that their religion of direct experience, of invading energy, of inspirational insights, of charismatic bestowals, and of profound emotional fervour was distinctly "spiritual," as contrasted with the historic Church which claimed indeed a divine origin and divine "deposits," but which, as they believed, lacked the continuous and progressive leadership of the Spirit. They were always very certain that their religion was characteristically "spiritual," and all other forms seemed to them cold, formal, or dead. In their estimates, men were still divided into spiritual persons and psychical persons--those who lived by the "heart" and those who lived by the "head."
Parallel with the main current of the Protestant Reformation, a new type of "spiritual religion" appeared and continued to manifest itself with mutations and developments, throughout the entire Reformation era, with a wealth of results which are still operative in the life of the modern world. The period of this new birth was a time of profound transition and ferment, and a bewildering variety of roads was tried to spiritual Canaans and new Jerusalems, then fondly believed to {xv} be near at hand. It is a long-standing tragedy of history that the right wing of a revolutionary or transforming movement must always suffer for the unwisdom and lack of balance of those who constitute the left, or extreme radical, wing of the movement. So it happened here. The nobler leaders and the saner spirits were taken in the mass with those of an opposite character, and were grouped under comprehensive labels of reproach and scorn, such as "Antinomians," "Enthusiasts," or "Anabaptists," and in consequence still remain largely neglected and forgotten.
The men who initiated and guided this significant undertaking--the exhibition in the world of what they persistently called "spiritual religion"--were influenced by three great historic tendencies, all three of which were harmoniously united in their type of Christianity. They were the Mystical tendency, the Humanistic or Rational tendency, and the distinctive Faith-tendency of the Reformation. These three strands are indissolubly woven together in this type of so-called spiritual Religion. It was an impressive attempt, whether completely successful or not, to widen the sphere and scope of religion, to carry it into _the whole of life_, to ground it in the very nature of the human spirit, and to demonstrate that to be a man, possessed of full life and complete health, is to be religious, to be spiritual. I propose, as a preliminary preparation for differentiating this special type of "spiritual religion," to undertake a study, as brief as possible, of these three underlying and fundamental strands or tendencies in religion which will, of course, involve some consideration of the inherent nature of religion itself.
For my present purpose it is not necessary to study the twilight history of religion in primitive races nor to trace its origins in the cradle-stage of human life. Anthropologists are rendering a valuable service in their attempts to explore the baffling region of primitive man's mind, and they have hit upon some very suggestive clues, though so far only tentative ones, to the psychological experiences and attitudes which set man's feet on the {xvi} momentous religious trail. At every stage of its long and devious history, religion has been _some sort of life-adjustment to realities which were felt to be of supreme importance either to the individual or to the race_, and it becomes thus possible for the scientific observer to note a developmental process and to discover a principle which links it in with a universal scheme of evolution.
Rufus M. Jones, writing in 1914, positions this study as a companion to his earlier Studies in Mystical Religion. The preface announces two purposes: to trace a religious movement that was a 'great side current of the Reformation' and to uncover the background of seventeenth-century Quakerism. Jones argues that the ideas and experiences of early Quakers were 'the fruit of long spiritual preparation,' a claim he supports by examining figures often dismissed as 'Spirituals' by opponents but who saw themselves as Spirit-guided reformers.
Catalog Subjects vs. Evidence
The catalog lists 'Reformers' and 'Mysticism' as subjects, but the excerpts reveal a more specific focus. Jones explicitly distinguishes his subjects from mainstream Reformers, calling them 'Spiritual Reformers' who aimed to 'carry the Reformation to its legitimate terminus.' The term 'mysticism' appears in the title of his earlier volume, but here he emphasizes historical continuity and institutional influence over individual mystical experience. For instance, the detailed account of Jacob Boehme's conflict with clergy and town council in Goerlitz shows a reformer engaged in public controversy, not a solitary mystic. Jones also connects Boehme to a broader movement, stating he was 'no isolated prophet' but part of an 'organic' historical current. The excerpts thus suggest that 'Reformers' is the more operative category, with mysticism as a secondary characteristic.
Boehme as a Test Case
The longest excerpt focuses on Jacob Boehme, the 'simple shoemaker' of Goerlitz. Jones presents him as a figure who faced ridicule from a local pastor (who wrote a Latin poem mocking his trade) and was denounced as a 'rabid enthusiast.' Yet Boehme's response is described as 'sweet and gentle,' and he wrote an Apology that 'breathes forth' his spiritual nature. The narrative includes specific details: Boehme was invited to the Elector of Saxony's court, examined by three theology professors who could not understand him, and died in 1624 after hearing 'beautiful music.' The funeral was conducted reluctantly by a pastor who 'had rather have walked a hundred and twenty miles.' These concrete episodes ground Jones's argument in evidence, showing how a 'Spiritual Reformer' operated within institutional and social structures.
The Quaker Connection
Jones explicitly states that this volume, together with Studies in Mystical Religion, will 'furnish convincing evidence' that early Quaker ideas were 'the fruit of long spiritual preparation.' He notes that the movement he studies 'has never been studied before' and that his material comes 'mainly from original sources.' The excerpts do not contain direct Quaker content, but the preface frames the entire work as background for Quakerism. Readers interested in the origins of Quaker thought will find Jones tracing a lineage through figures like Boehme, who insisted on 'a reproduction of the life of Christ' rather than mere 'opinion-peddling.' This emphasis on lived spirituality over doctrinal conformity aligns with later Quaker practices, though the excerpts do not prove direct influence.
Jones's work is best approached as a scholarly argument for a neglected strand of Reformation history. Readers should note that the excerpts are drawn from the preface and a single chapter on Boehme; the full text likely covers many more figures. The book's value lies in its use of primary sources to reconstruct a movement that Jones believed shaped later religious developments. Those interested in the relationship between institutional reform and personal spirituality will find ample material for reflection.
There’s something tender about Jones’s pursuit of those quiet mystics, folks who found God without the noise of dogma. It reminds me of how, when I finally sat down with Pythagoras and the Delphic mysteries — Reading Notes, I felt that same hush—as if the truth had always been waiting in a side room, not on the main stage. Old paths, softly lit.
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