The New Christianity; or, The Religion of the New Age — Inside the Classic

(0 User reviews)   28
In Category - Ethics
Bland, Salem Goldworth, 1859-1950 Project Gutenberg 2012 Not confirmed
Christian sociology; Church and social problems Readers of public-domain and historical texts
Project Gutenberg digital edition en

Edition facts

Words 30,281
Reading time 132 min
Text sections 5

This digital edition of The New Christianity; or, The Religion of the New Age — Inside the Classic is described by source-level measurements including 30,281 words, 2 hr 12 min estimated reading time, and 5 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 22.9 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Christian sociology,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

Bland argues that the labor movement embodies Christian principles more authentically than institutional churches, and that Canada's post-war moment offers a chance to forge a new social order and a 'labor Christianity' rooted in democracy and brotherhood.
Share
Editorial Edition Score 4.6/5

Calculated from edition completeness, EPUB availability, text structure and catalogue metadata. Not a user rating.

How this score is calculated
  • Description quality20 pts
  • Title & short description10 pts
  • Source metadata20 pts
  • Text length15 pts
  • Chapters / structure15 pts
  • EPUB file integrity20 pts

Total of 100 points, scaled to a 2.5-5.0 range. Editions with an empty description or a missing EPUB file are not scored.

Edition quality

Read the Text

THE OVERFLOW OF DEMOCRACY

The history of the last nine hundred years in one, at least, of its most vital aspects is the history of the development of democracy. Perhaps in no other way can one so accurately discuss and estimate the progress achieved through this almost millennial period than in noting the successive conquests made by that great principle.

The first conquest was in the field of education. Modern democracy began with the rise of universities in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Education had been the monopoly of the clergy, not, indeed, through any such design on the part of the clergy, but through the ignorance of the Northern races which had overrun Southern Europe and almost extinguished its culture, and through the unsettled and harassed condition of Europe which had delayed the growth of a new culture. It was only the clergy who felt that education was necessary.

It is one of the many inestimable services that the monasteries have rendered the modern world, that they preserved from destruction some of the precious flotsam and jetsam of that Greco-Roman literature which had for the most part been submerged, and that in these quiet retreats there grew up the schools which were to lay the foundations of yet nobler literatures.

Eventually, when a measure of peace came at last to the lands so long in distress and turmoil, the irrepressible impulses of the human soul for knowledge asserted themselves. The youth of Europe, eager to know, flocked in increasing numbers to the teachers who began to be famous, and the university took its rise.

Education placed in the hands of the people the key to other doors. As a natural consequence, democracy found its way into the jealously guarded realm of religion. After innumerable abortive, but glorious and not wasted, struggles for the right of the individual to find his own religion and dispense with ecclesiastical guides and directors, Northern Europe established the principle of democracy in religion in the great revolt known as the Protestant Reformation. That uprising was a very complex movement. Many motives mingled in it, but of these the desire for a purer faith was, probably, on the whole not so influential as the democratic passion for intellectual and religious freedom.

Concurrent with the overflow of democracy into the realm of religion was its overflow into politics. The evolution of political democracy is the distinctive glory of England. It is her contribution to world civilization as that of the Hebrew was monotheism, that of the Greek culture, and that of the Roman organization and law.

The barons, primarily in their own interest, wrested the Great Charter from a King who more recklessly and oppressively than his predecessors played the despot. In the provision of Magna Charta that the King should levy no more taxes without consent of the taxed was found the necessity of the coming together, first of the barons and the spiritual lords, later of the knights of the shire, and finally of the burghers of the towns--separate assemblies which soon coalesced and by their unification formed the English Parliament. English constitutional history from the reign of Henry III. to the Revolution of 1688 is the history of the gradual supersession of the crown by Parliament, and of the ascendancy of the elective House of Commons over the hereditary House of Peers. The eighteenth century witnessed the development of Cabinet government; the nineteenth completed the great fabric of political democracy in those Franchise Acts which admitted to participation in the government--

In 1832, the propertied classes of the manufacturing towns;

In 1867, the artisan;

In 1884, the farm labourers;

With these must be mentioned the Act of 1911 which constitutionally and decisively established the ascendancy of the popular House over the Peers.

England broke the trail which all other peoples that have accepted democracy have followed. The mobile and logical intelligence of France, slower through historical conditions to snap the feudal bonds, when it was at last aroused, at one bound outstripped England. Not content to limit, it swept away both monarchy and the House of Peers. A still more striking illustration of how the last may be first may yet be yielded by that great half-European, half-Asiatic people, so long, apparently, impenetrable to democracy, but now in the obscure throes of a revolution which despite its initial disorders and excesses, may, it is perhaps possible to hope, give to Russia the high honour of being the first nation to achieve the last conquest of democracy--its triumph in the economic realm. For it would seem impossible to doubt that that final triumph of democracy can be long delayed. Autocracy and aristocracy overthrown in politics cannot stand in economics.

Salem Goldworth Bland opens The New Christianity with a striking geographical metaphor: his book is a view from Mount Nebo, offering a vision of a Promised Land without mapping the precise roads. This rhetorical stance—prophetic rather than programmatic—sets the tone for a work that insists on the convergence of social revolution and religious transformation. Writing in 1920, Bland addresses a Canada he believes has not yet found itself, a nation whose wartime strains revealed both selfishness and quiet heroism. The preface frames the book as a sketch, but its ambitions are large: to interpret the labor movement as the vehicle for a Christianity more authentic than any ecclesiastical pronouncement.

Labor as the Unacknowledged Church

Bland’s most provocative claim is that labor does not need to become Christian—it already is. He points to the British Labour Party’s 1917 Draft Report on Reconstruction as “a thousand times more Christian than the ordinary ecclesiastical pronouncement,” even though the name of Christ never appears in it. The argument hinges on a redefinition: Christianity is not a set of doctrines but a commitment to brotherhood, the right of every person to human conditions, and the denial of anyone’s right to live on others’ labor without equivalent service. Bland insists that the working-class consciousness, rooted in the experience of Jesus as a working man, is uniquely fitted to interpret Christianity. The high, the served, the rich, and the mere scholars, he writes, are not fitted to understand it—a direct inversion of traditional religious authority.

A Racial and Historical Evolution

Bland situates his argument within a sweeping historical framework, tracing Christianity through successive racial embodiments. He begins with Jewish Christianity, which he characterizes as “a Christianized Judaism”—the apostles remained strict Jews, merely accepting Jesus as the fulfillment of national hope. This evolutionary lens allows Bland to argue that Christianity has always been shaped by its social and racial environment, and that the current moment demands a new incarnation: an American Christianity (by which he means a Christianity of the Americas, with Canada as a potential pathfinder). The war, he suggests, has revealed both the weaknesses and the possibilities of nations, and the struggle between what he calls the Jekyll and Hyde in every nation is nowhere keener than in Canada.

The Prophetic Task of Interpreting Labor to Itself

Bland’s closing sections shift from diagnosis to exhortation. The supreme mission of the prophetic spirit, he writes, is to interpret labor to itself, lest it miss its path in the hour of consummation. He warns that turning away from Christianity would be for labor to turn away from the throne, but he expresses confidence that mankind is in the grasp of divine currents too strong to be resisted. The book’s structure—moving from social order to new Christianity, from democracy to brotherhood—mirrors its argument that the two revolutions are inseparable. Bland does not provide a detailed program; he offers a vision, insisting that the way may not prove so hard to find as it has sometimes seemed. The tone is urgent but hopeful, grounded in a specific national context yet reaching for universal significance.

Readers should approach The New Christianity as a document of its moment—a post-war Canadian sermon that blends social gospel, nationalism, and labor politics. Bland’s reliance on the Mount Nebo metaphor signals that he is offering perspective, not policy. The book’s value lies less in its specific proposals than in its attempt to fuse religious and economic language into a single prophetic register. Those interested in the history of the social gospel in North America, or in early twentieth-century attempts to reconcile Christianity with socialism, will find here a passionate, if sketchy, case for a labor Christianity that still awaits its full realization.

The last time this struck me, I was in my grandfather’s basement, listening to him argue with the radio about Sunday sermons. The New Christianity brought that back—how he saw the union hall as a more honest church. I found the same ache in Is Life Worth Living Without Immortality? A Lecture Delivered Before the Independent Religious Society, Chicago — Context and Discussion, that quiet faith in something just beyond the institution.

There are no reviews for this eBook.

0
0 out of 5 (0 User reviews )

Add a Review

Your Rating *
There are no comments for this eBook.

Reader reflection

What was your reading experience?

Capture what you thought, learned, and would like to remember.

Your progress 0 / 10
1

Have you finished this book?

2

Was reading this book enjoyable?

3

Would you encourage someone else to read it?

4

Did the language feel accessible?

Related eBooks